Why Hereik’s Inequality is Still Growing

The nation of Hereik has just hit a dismal new milestone: the top 1% of our nation is now—depressingly—estimated to hold about 20% of our collective wealth. It’s time for this moral catastrophe, born of a sickly mishmash of greed, weak policy, and apathy, to end, or we will reap the consequences.

Wealth inequality in Hereik is not a “mere” economic problem—despite what rich CEOs like Slanal Nzhny may claim. For years, leaders and economists alike have gleefully celebrated the prosperity flowing through the docks of West Helvetia, Kitzfurt, and Apelzand, but they’ve ignored the bitter truth: that prosperity is leaving the working people behind. The eastern provinces, Rirani, Blatar, Nanova, and Moulin still frequently languish in poverty, their communities hollowed out by neglect. This inequality is unsustainable. Wages for Relgen Timber workers should not be slashed while corporate executives can afford to buy new hundred million Slova Villas in Northern Valles.

For decades, Hereik’s western ports have been the jewels of the Slovannial trade network. But their glitter masks a troubling disparity. Much of the wealth generated by these ports flows straight into Leodian pockets, as foreign investors continue to dominate the shipping and manufacturing sectors. The profits rarely make it east, where infrastructure crumbles and the life expectancy stagnates at 53 for a sickening two decades.

The recent collapse of the Hereik People’s Shipping Federation (HPSF) is a final alarm bell before our nation plunges into financial oligarchy. With newly-gutted union protections for dockworkers, laborers are at the mercy of corporations that have proven time and time again that they see employees as little more than expendable cogs. Once a proud symbol of solidarity, the HPSF’s absence is a glaring hole in our nation’s decaying economic fabric.

The fall of the HPSF has been nothing short of catastrophic for Hereik’s workers. At its peak in the 1980s, the union represented over 850,000 dockworkers, negotiating livable wages, pensions, and workplace protections that made Hereik’s ports the envy of Slovannial. The federation ensured that a fair share of the wealth generated by maritime trade trickled down to the workers who made it possible. However, the policies of the URPH in the last decade, as well as the phony arrest of George Eimenov, have decimated its once-widespread power. A wave of deregulation encouraged by foreign investors like Leode and domestic elites have undermined collective bargaining rights. The criminalization of strikes which disrupted “vital Slovannial supply chains”, passed in 1997, was a final blow to HPSF’s ability to fight for Hereik’s working people.

As it stands today, membership has plummeted to just 30,000. Companies have almost entirely turned to non-unionized, short-term contract workers, bypassing union wages and protections entirely. By 2010, it is believed the HPSF will be functionally dead. The effects will almost certainly be devastating. Already, real wages for dockworkers have fallen by 18%, and that number may reach as high as 30% in the next decade. Workplace accidents in Hasbeek have surged by 25% as most safety regulations have been functionally eliminated.

Past governments, particularly the now-defunct URPH, deserve much of the blame. Programs like the high-minded Equal Slova Initiative—designed to equalize wages for workers across districts—were poorly implemented, weighed down by an uninterested bureaucracy and corporate resistance. The result was an illusion of action, where leaders claimed progress without delivering any. Instead of addressing the structural issues—foreign control, declining unionization, and regional neglect—the URPH doubled down on neoliberal policies that have widened the gap between rich and poor.

It is impossible to speak about wealth inequality while ignoring the glaring divisions between eastern and western Hereik, a glaring failure which has led to a cratering of public trust in democracy in Hereik’s east. While the west enjoys glittering infrastructure and booming ports, the east has been left to rot. Investment in eastern provinces like Nanova and Melea have declined by over 30% in the last decade, leaving roads, schools, and hospitals in disrepair. Meanwhile, the eastern economy remains heavily reliant on agriculture and dwindling forestry industries, offering little hope for upward mobility. If the URPH bill to allow private education had passed, it is likely any opportunity for social mobility would have been extinguished. To make matters worse, many young eastern residents are now being forced to migrate west in search of work, further depleting the region’s already fragile communities.

But Hereik’s leaders can no longer afford half-measures or empty platitudes. Already, the foolhardy YP is seeking to pin the economic decline in the east squarely on Illiqi migrants—a laughable (if not painfully stupid) assertion. The new government has a once-in-a-generation opportunity to rewrite the rules. This coalition, despite its ideological divides, must act boldly to address the structural inequalities that have plagued the nation for decades.

First, rebuilding Hereik’s unions should be a day-one priority. The government must pass legislation that protects workers’ right to organize and negotiate collectively, undoing the damage of decades of anti-labor deregulation. Establishing a new dockworkers’ federation—perhaps modeled on the HPSF—could be a starting point. Offering tax incentives to unionized companies or penalizing those that rely on exploitative contracts could further encourage fairer labor practices.

Another critical step is reclaiming Hereik’s economy from Leodian control. Mandating local reinvestment by foreign corporations would help redirect profits to the communities that generate them. This could take the form of requiring a percentage of corporate revenue to be spent on local infrastructure, education, or healthcare. Encouraging Hereikian-owned businesses through low-interest loans and grants could also begin to shift the balance of power.

For the neglected east, the government must launch a comprehensive development program. This could include building new transportation networks to connect the region more effectively to the west, providing subsidies for businesses that set up operations in the east, and investing in education to create a skilled workforce.

Addressing internal migration is equally important. Rather than simply accepting the east-to-west flow of people as inevitable, the government should aim to make the east a place where people want to live and work. Affordable housing, quality healthcare, and job opportunities could all help reverse the exodus.

Of course, these solutions come with a price tag. Funding them will require bold taxation reforms, particularly targeting the ultra-wealthy and foreign corporations that have benefited most from Hereik’s unequal system. It will also demand political courage, especially in a coalition as ideologically divided as this one.

If Hereik continues down its current path, the consequences will be devastating. The east will become a wasteland of abandoned towns and forgotten people, while the west’s glittering cities will teeter under the weight of unsustainable inequality. Political instability will deepen, and the public’s faith in government will erode even further.

This government has a chance to change course—to prove that a nation as rich in resources and talent as Hereik can build an economy that works for everyone. But that requires leadership with vision, courage, and a willingness to make enemies of the powerful. The wealth gap is a man-made problem, born of greed and neglect. It can be solved—but only if action is taken now.